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Self Defining Mexican Undocumented Immigrant Women, Genesis Samarripa

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Self-Defining Mexican Undocumented Immigrant Women and their Success & Survival in the United States

My mother is an immigrant. She is a headstrong and resolute woman, but she has been undocumented in the United States for over twenty years. Despite her immigration status, she has defined herself, the kind of future she wants for herself and for her family, and uses every tool at her disposal to obtain it. Immigration is often about survival, particularly for undocumented women, and especially when they realize there is no such thing as the 鈥淎merican Dream,鈥� which is typically seen by immigrants as the ability to own a home, to vote, and simply, to have basic human rights. Especially for those who are undocumented without hope of obtaining legal status, this 鈥淎merican Dream鈥� turns into a mirage, an unobtainable idealistic situation. For many women like my mother鈥擬exican undocumented immigrant women, whose beliefs and ideologies tend to differ from those of the white, supremacist, capitalist, and patriarchal society of the United States (bell hooks 2000:22)鈥攕urvival turns into something much more complex, fueled by the self-definition that counteracts their degradation.

Black feminist thought has given it a name, self-definition, and it has been used by black women and other women of color as a tool of survival and even resistance. Per Patricia Hill Collins鈥� definition, self-definition is crucial to the survival and success of undocumented immigrant women in the United States鈥攔egardless of where they come from, but especially for Mexican women due to the history and the unique relationship that exists between the US and Mexico. It is difficult to progress from a point of survival to a point of comfort and success in a society that does not value nor care for undocumented immigrants, despite its incessant need for their labor. US society was designed to exploit and to oppress; that is the very definition and function of capitalism. Like African American women, Mexican undocumented immigrant women and their contributions have been erased from US history and society, but their reprisal, whether acknowledged or not, has helped them thrive.

Various aspects of US society have contributed to the oppression of women of color and more specifically, to the oppression of black women. Controlling images, for one, are often much more ingrained in US society鈥檚 thought than are stereotypes; they attempt to control and categorize Black women in a manner that enables oppression (Collins 2000:76), and unfortunately, these images often succeed as many white Americans blindly consume and project these false presumptions. The mammy, the matriarch, the welfare mother, and the jezebel all constitute a type of sexist and racist image of black women that condemns them and perpetuates the notion that all black women are one-dimensional; that they all project at least one of these highly demonizing categories, and that, although they can fulfill the domestic work of white women and the sexual fantasies of white men, they are detrimental to society. As Patricia Hill Collins explains, Black women often counteract these controlling images, particularly through self-definition, resisting and existing in their daily lives, all the while creating a space for Black women to convene and feel safe (2000:111). These spaces exist within many marginalized and oppressed communities and they exist in a manner where the community and the individual tend to mutually benefit from each other. They exist in atypical places, and for Mexican undocumented immigrant women鈥攚ho also have their own set of controlling images in the United States鈥攖hese spaces may be churches, laundromats, the 肠辞尘补诲谤别鈥檚[1] front porch, or even the waiting area outside their children鈥檚 schools.

Although controlling images for Mexican undocumented immigrant women are not widespread like those for black women unfortunately are, they do exist, and are parallel to controlling images of black women in some ways. Often the controlling images for Mexican undocumented immigrant women revolve around their immigration status. You hear of the domestic worker, la criada or la sirvienta, who speaks poor English (if any, at all) and cleans the homes of rich white people for little pay; the whore, la puta, who is either literally a prostitute or sleeps around until she finds a US citizen man to marry and obtain legal status; the one who relies on her US citizen husband鈥檚 money, la mantenida, or the gold digger (sometimes stemming from la puta); and the wetback, la mojada, who is ridiculed for her lack of legal status and her struggle due to it. Controlling images for Mexican undocumented immigrant women appear mostly within communities of undocumented people themselves and are thrown around without the thought that perhaps these images鈥攑erpetuated by other immigrant, and often undocumented, people鈥攁re damaging and exploitative. I find this ironic simply because, in the same space, people within the community often refer to el esp铆ritu de la mujer indocumentada, 鈥渢he spirit of the undocumented woman,鈥� which is meant to be a positive and encouraging sort of narrative referring to the strength undocumented immigrant women must have in order to survive less than desirable circumstances. The fact that this dichotomy of support and oppression exists and is enacted within often highly machista[2] and masculine communities does not diminish the fact that undocumented immigrant women are able to create safe spaces where they can speak for themselves and help each other out, even if it is through something as simple as a joke or a dicho[3].

Self-definition, survival, and various successes become evident in these spaces as women share their experiences and insights on everyday life as undocumented immigrant women in the United States. I have grown up around these women, resilient in their own way: my mother, aunts, cousins, family friends, have all demonstrated resistance to their oppression and have developed tactics for their survival and success. Sharing experiences is an important component to creating a space where undocumented immigrant women can feel comfortable as well as learn from each other鈥檚 experiences and use their analyses of those stories for their own success. These narratives are not necessarily highly personal or confidential; on the other hand, they come in various forms. Jokes, dichos, and even chismes[4] often make up the complex conversations of undocumented immigrant women, as well as other personal narrative, and although this praxis differs from an applied academic form of feminist thought, it does the work academia often does not directly perform due to its exclusion of these women, the importance of which Joan Morgan denotes in When Chickenheads Come Home to Roost (1999:57). Often these women are forced to create these spaces due to the lack of support from men in their own communities and the projection of controlling images. Their continued and mutual support is important in order for undocumented immigrant women to continue navigating daily life in a society that hardly acknowledges their existence, let alone their physical and economic contributions.

This navigation of daily life is often misconstrued as mere survival, meaning the stage before stability, when any type of movement or work is done simply to be able to make it to the next day. Although some women would describe their own existence as such, most would consider themselves successful, and even stable, especially considering the trials and tribulations they may have experienced during the process of actually migrating to the United States. Survival is indeed important and the initial stage before getting to a point of success and stability, but it must be understood that these phenomena occur on a spectrum, as I feel it does for everyone. Undocumented immigrant women often characterize success as the moment when they, as immigrants, manage to arrive at their destinations in the US in (generally) good health; when they, as mothers, are able to obtain a job鈥攔egardless of its legitimacy鈥攁nd provide their children with basic needs without struggle. This is not to say that some women do not move out of the stage of survival. For some women, survival may be occurring simultaneously to their success. They may be dealing with traumas experienced before, during (where trauma is most likely to occur), or after their migration to the United States, such as extreme hunger, thirst, and exhaustion while crossing, or even sexual assault.

My mother often speaks to her children about her experiences crossing the border, and although she would not explicitly call it by the following term, her experiences are recollections of survival. She often reminisces about getting kicked out of her home at the age of eighteen鈥攗nusual even by traditional Mexican standards鈥攂y her alcoholic father (although she would never call it that, nor would her mother or any of her eleven siblings) and deciding to move to el norte[5] with some friends, but really, all on her own. She often talks about living in her brother鈥檚 home and missing meals because she was too embarrassed to look in the fridge and even afraid her brother鈥檚 wife would say something or shoot her a dirty look if she did. She was simply surviving at that point, working a low wage job and often going to bed hungry, with no thought of her future or any regard for the so-called 鈥淎merican Dream.鈥� It took her a while to move to a position of success and stability, but she says that she did not feel fulfilled until she had children and was able to provide for them, and even in that situation, she still sometimes reverts to survival mode. It seems that the only thing that would prevent survival mode from returning is the unobtainable American Dream: obtaining legal status, buying a home, and being and remaining stable economically, physically, and mentally.

The transition from survival to success is often a rocky one that requires the support of others and the slight hope for a better future. For many undocumented immigrant woman, this is hard to come by. This is the instance in which safe spaces become necessary and are created, and the support of friends, neighbors, and especially comadres becomes significant. The notion of other-mothering is made clear in Patricia Hill Collins鈥� Black Feminist Thought, where the literal co-mothering of children occurs between 鈥渂loodmothers,鈥� the biological mother, and 鈥渙ther-mothers,鈥� who are often sisters, daughters, grandmothers, aunts, cousins, and even friends (2000:193). More than co-mothering children, however, the concept of an other-mother, and more specifically, of a comadre among Mexican undocumented immigrant women, includes the ideas of mutual support and friendship between women, which notably establishes the foundation of a functioning safe space. Like other-mothering among black women, the safe space created between a pair or a group of comadres is highly woman-centered (Collins 2000:192) and crucial to the development and maintenance of a safe space in which undocumented immigrant women can convene. Further, the safe spaces created are imperative to the continued survival and the long-term success of undocumented immigrant women in the United States.

鈥淢exican undocumented immigrant women鈥� in itself is a descriptor of the vilification these women face in the United States due to the intersecting identities depicted in the name. Their nationality and ethnicity, their immigration status, and the fact that they are not just people of color, but also women of color, speaks to the unjustified nature of their oppression. Because Mexican undocumented immigrant women come into the US with these intrinsic identities鈥攅xcept for their immigration status, although it is often not a choice鈥攖hat are already demonized by the white, supremacist, capitalist, and patriarchal society of the United States, their own self-definition becomes the most important concept and tactic for their survival. The manner in which Mexican undocumented immigrant women view themselves and how they carry out their daily lives is what helps them navigate society, and thinking of themselves as relentless, resolute, and capable women matters. There is a sort of power that is involved in this self-definition and, using Audre Lorde鈥檚 analysis, it may be derived from the erotic.

Lorde says, 鈥淥n the one hand, the superficially erotic has been encouraged as a sign of female inferiority; on the other hand, women have been made to suffer and to feel both contemptible and suspect by virtue of its existence,鈥� (1984:53). This is interesting to consider because it suggests that, in the case of undocumented immigrant women, where they appear to not yield much power and have been denigrated for it, their accomplishments prove otherwise. Ultimately, 鈥淸o]nce [they] know the extent to which [they] are capable of feeling that sense of satisfaction and completion, [they] can then observe which of [their] various life endeavors bring[s] [them] closest to that fullness,鈥� (Lorde 1984:54) which is something that I think Mexican undocumented immigrant women fully embody in their accomplishment of a multitude of tasks and in their physical presence in this society. Still, however, Mexican undocumented immigrant women are invariably visible and invisible, creating a binary, which does more harm than good and contributes to the erasure of their presence and contributions.

Surprisingly, the power derived from the erotic, including all of the intense feelings and experiences that accompany it, provides agency for these women in a manner that is not completely intentional. Despite their erasure, the lack of visibility, as well as the hyper-visibility of the demonized immigrant woman, self-definition helps mitigate negative encounters, consequently providing them with a degree of agency that is necessary for survival and success throughout their lives in the United States. The purpose of the immigrant in the US has been to serve and to labor, effectively diminishing and highlighting their importance to US economy. By this, I mean that, despite the multitude of opposing dichotomies鈥攙isible/invisible, for example鈥攖hey do not necessarily cancel each other out. Mexican undocumented immigrant women use their power, extended from the erotic, to self-define, which in turn provides them with enough agency to vouch for themselves in the white, supremacist, capitalist, and patriarchal society of the United States. They work and are seen as necessary to the economy, but are also recognized as criminals, and the word 鈥渋mmigrant鈥� turns into a dirty word, especially when preceded by the word 鈥渦ndocumented.鈥� These women are women whose identities and experiences are erased from the rhetoric of contemporary society, yet serve an important function to it, and still manage to cater to their own needs. Visibility and invisibility almost does not matter when Mexican undocumented immigrant women use the power of the erotic and validate their own experiences for themselves, regardless of what society鈥檚 rationalizations of them are. This is why self-definition is important. Collins states:

鈥淭he insistence on Black women鈥檚 self-definition reframes the entire dialogue from one of protesting the technical accuracy of an image鈥攏amely, refuting the Black matriarchy thesis鈥攖o one stressing the power dynamics underlying the very process of definition itself. By insisting on one鈥檚 self-definition, Black women question not only what has been said about African-American women but the credibility and the intentions of those possessing the power to define. When Black women define [themselves], [they] clearly reject the assumption that those in positions granting them the authority to interpret [their] reality are entitled to do so.鈥� (2000:125)

Women, black women, women of color, Mexican undocumented immigrant women鈥攖hey are all entitled to self-definition, particularly if it means they will survive and succeed despite exploitation and oppression.

听听听听听听听听听听听 Respect and self-valuation are important in order to uphold the value of one鈥檚 self-definition, as Collins explains (2000:126). The symbiotic exchange of respect between Mexican undocumented immigrant women, and between them and other people in general, is important in order to realize self-definition without devaluating it. I think Mexican undocumented immigrant women hold respect and self-respect, specifically, to such a high standard because they feel like that is the only way for them to be validated in society. They are not just 鈥済ood workers;鈥� they are respectable, commendable women and the fact that they work hard for themselves and for their families has much to say about their respectability, which is important to Mexican undocumented immigrant women in the United States. Unfortunately, language barriers can often implicate the notion of respect and self-valuation, especially when it concerns the health and well being of their children.

My mother has relied on me to translate for doctor鈥檚 appointments for her, for my sister鈥攚ho was born with severe facial deformities and has had at least thirteen surgeries in the past ten years鈥攁nd even for my diabetic grandmother since I was nine years old. Although she has always voiced the value she sees in my bilingualism and has always shown her appreciation for it, I have witnessed her struggle with the English language in various settings, which has been detrimental to her self-valuation and appears to be a common aspect among Mexican undocumented immigrant women, particularly those who do not speak or understand English. She belittles herself, saying she is simply incapable of learning a new language, despite being in the country for twenty or so years. She understands the necessity of speaking the language and even feels urgency about it, but contends that she cannot learn it, despite various attempts. Situations like this are cause of self-devaluation, and although most Mexican undocumented women might see and define themselves as excellent workers and caretakers, this self-definition is almost subdued by self-devaluation due to the inability to learn or speak English. This is not to say that self-valuation vanishes completely; on the other hand, although some women may get down on themselves about it, they pride themselves in their ability to continue to survive and succeed, despite their perceived handicap.

Mexican undocumented immigrant women exist who do speak English and this ability tends to propel them to further success, which is something that is accentuated in their self-definition and self-valuation. Although legally they may not be able to obtain particularly ideal jobs, they may excel in whatever work they do simply for having the ability to speak English and Spanish. Very rarely does this create a rift between women who do speak English and those who do not. On the other hand, it appears that it increases solidarity amongst Mexican undocumented immigrant women as they are better able to communicate with each other, and thus with the society they partake in, all the while making themselves visible in a way that is, at the very least, acknowledged by the white, supremacist, capitalist, and patriarchal society of the United States. The English language is a powerful language that grants license and almost literally, a voice, to unseen peoples in the United States. Of course, sometimes other issues arise along with the ability to speak English, particularly if one has an accent or does not speak in a 鈥済rammatically correct鈥� and 鈥渁pproved鈥� manner. This in itself may create an issue within self-valuation, leading to embarrassment and perhaps shame, which has many connections to immigration status as well.

Melissa Harris-Perry states that 鈥淸t]he emotion of shame has three important elements,鈥� (2011:104 ). It has social and physiological effects and is linked to field dependence, or in other words, on the 鈥渃rooked room鈥� of one鈥檚 situation. Shame in the undocumented status many immigrants hold is prevalent and most Mexican undocumented immigrant women try to hide it from the public, and oftentimes, from people within their personal social circle as well. I remember growing up and my mother distinguishing between 鈥渇amily matters鈥� that were never to be discussed with anyone outside our immediate family or our home, such as her and my father鈥檚 immigration status or family issues we may be having, and family matters that were not considered as serious. This included divulging their undocumented status for fear that that kind of news would make the rounds, and that they, in turn, would be rounded up by immigration officers. This is unlikely to happen, even today when thoughts on immigration range widely from person to person as more and more people realize how broken the United States鈥� , but it is still a very big fear, especially for Mexican undocumented immigrant women.

Fear and shame go well together, but there is a difference. Where fear may be like a stabbing pain, shame may be more of a dull, dwelling pain that takes a long time to go away鈥攊f it ever does. Shame is also different than guilt; Harris-Perry says, 鈥淎 person may feel guilty about a specific incident but still feel that she is a good person. Shame is more diffuse: it extends beyond a single incident and becomes an evaluation of the self,鈥� (2011:104). The stigmatization of undocumented men and women has created intense shame, which can become an obstacle for Mexican undocumented immigrant women when attempting to self-define, and a variety of emotions are carried alongside the shame. Mexican undocumented immigrant women are made to feel ashamed of their status, of their nationality, their gender, their socio-economic status, yet the duality of these intersecting characteristics as a positive and the very definition of one鈥檚 self is important to recognize, especially as these women feel a fear of deportation and a shame for not having the necessary documents. These feelings can be combated, however, in thinking of positive characteristics outside of immigration status.

Along the same lines of self-valuation and respect come the notions of self-reliance and independence, which Collins cites as integral, particularly to the development and promotion of survival of black women. Citing Steady (1987), Collins says, 鈥淲hether by choice or circumstance, African-American women have 鈥榩ossessed the spirit of independence,鈥� have been self-reliant, and have encouraged one another to value this vision of womanhood that clearly challenges prevailing notions of femininity,鈥� (2000:128). The previously mentioned esp铆ritu de la mujer indocumentada, or the 鈥渟pirit of the undocumented woman,鈥� completely exemplifies self-reliance and independence in a way that makes Mexican undocumented immigrant women admirable, both within their communities and within their families. Indeed, a certain spirit is required of women in general by the patriarchal society, which many exude.

Even though society has certain expectation for women, as do the communities to which Mexican undocumented immigrant women belong, I believe that their self-reliance and independence originates from this legendary spirit. Collins speaks of black women鈥檚 independence in a purely economic manner, quoting Aretha Franklin鈥檚 鈥淩espect鈥� and asserting that 鈥淸t]he linking of economic self-sufficiency as one critical dimension of self-reliance with the demand for respect permeates Black feminist thought,鈥� (2000:128). This may be true for some Mexican undocumented immigrant women, as well; however, their self-reliance, as well as black women鈥檚 self-reliance, may come more so from a place of self-assurance. By this, I mean that, rather than focusing exclusively on the monetary capital a man may or may not provide, or the monetary capital women may provide for themselves, their self-reliance emerges from a place that assures these women they can do anything for themselves. They have intrinsic knowledge that their individual being is good enough to be trusted and to be relied on, regardless of the circumstances.

The conglomeration of the power of the erotic, of self-valuation, respect, self-reliance, and independence, characterizes the self-definition of both black women and Mexican undocumented immigrant women in the United States, although in differing ways at times. All of these together enable self-empowerment and that self-empowerment can set forth personal change as well as change that is more widespread and that can involve entire communities. Collins says:

鈥淎ccording to many African-American women writers, no matter how oppressed an individual woman may be, the power to save the self lies within the self. Other Black women may assist a Black woman in this journey toward personal empowerment, but the ultimate responsibility for self-definitions and self-valuations lies within the individual woman herself. An individual woman may use multiple strategies in her quest for the constructed knowledge of an independent voice.鈥� (2000:130)

The true acceptance of one鈥檚 self is important when considering the notion of self-empowerment. Acknowledging one鈥檚 own situation as black women or as Mexican undocumented immigrant women in the United States and the positions these women assume鈥攐ften unwillingly鈥攊s critical to self-definition. Empowerment thus emerges from the manner in which women define their positionalities within society and how they navigate their daily lives through those positionalities and identities they occupy.

听听听听听听听听听听听 The ability to self-define and to control inputs and outputs of that self-definition is empowering and it is resistant to the oppressive system that functions within the United States. Certainly for Mexican undocumented immigrant women, this self-empowerment becomes crucial to their survival and their success as they navigate through society. I will even go as far as stating that, without the empowerment of self-definition, these women would possibly not survive the burdensome facets of the oppression they encounter. Self-definition equips women with a voice, through which they are able to establish the validity of their existence in this nation, even if they do not have legal immigration status. They provide an important function to US culture and economy and maneuver it in a way that grants them agency that must be recognized by the larger society. Self-empowerment for Mexican undocumented immigrant women means that they have the power and the right to self-identification and self-worth, and that is something that will not be taken away from them. They predicate their futures because self-definition and the self-empowerment this definition provides, ultimately leading to their success and even their children鈥檚 success, which is often the most important thing for these women. They pride themselves in who they are and what they represent for themselves and oftentimes fully embrace themselves as Mexican undocumented immigrant women in the United States, which to me is a powerful assertion.

Nationality absolutely plays into the self-definition of Mexican undocumented immigrant women, especially because of the unique relationship between Mexico and the United States, as was mentioned earlier. From the time that the United States and Mexico cooperated to create the Bracero program to satisfy agricultural labor demands only Mexican immigration could meet, the United States has implicated Mexican people in a manner that still has repercussions today. The white, supremacist, capitalist, and patriarchal society of the United States, subjugates Mexican undocumented immigrant women, as both caretakers and laborers, especially in the modern era. The exaggeration of the 鈥渋mmigration crisis,鈥� especially in context with the Mexican drug war鈥攆ed and sustained by US society鈥檚 interests鈥攈as allowed for the abuse and domination of Mexican undocumented immigrant women. This has also made it embarrassing, and even shameful, for Mexican people to express pride in their nationality, particularly for Mexican undocumented immigrant women.

When it comes to having to decide between their home country of Mexico, a nation stricken with violence and poverty, especially in the most rural areas, or the United States, a nation with false promises and an overpowering oppression and marginalization of people, Mexican undocumented immigrant women must self-define to empower themselves, all the while priding themselves as Mexican women who have made it in the United States on their own. Collins states, 鈥淚n a transnational context, women in African, Latin American, and Asian nations have not sad idly by, waiting for middle-class, White women from North American and Western European nation-states to tell them what to do,鈥� (2000:250). Unfortunately for Mexican undocumented immigrant women, they have had to rely on the resources of an colonialist and racist society, but due to their nationality and immigration status, are unable to take full advantage of those resources, and on the other hand, encountering discrimination, subjugation, and even objectification. Mexican undocumented immigrant women do not wait for others to save them; they use their self-definitions to save themselves and to survive.

I spoke about shame earlier and how immigration status, particularly if someone is undocumented, may create shame in Mexican undocumented immigrant women. Their nationality and the stories surrounding their identities in their home country of Mexico often has a lot to do with how they identify and self-define in the United States, and although Mexican undocumented immigrant women are considered as such in the United States, they clearly would not be in Mexico. In the United States, they are subjugated and demonized due to their immigration status and nationality; in Mexico, Mexican women are subjugated and demonized due to their gender, and although this is also true in the United States, in Mexico, Mexican women are simply Mexican women. There is no shame in that like there is in being undocumented in the United States.

Not all Mexican undocumented immigrant women in the United States experience shame from their immigration status or their nationality; many actually embrace it and I believe this is part of their self-definition. Even though my own mother did not want me divulging her immigration status鈥攚hich I never really did鈥擨 have realized that it is important to speak about, especially because my mother鈥檚 self-definition has impacted my life and my position in society in the United States. There is a complex relationship between Mexican undocumented immigrant women, like my mother, and the white, supremacist, capitalist, and patriarchal society of the United States that also affects me. The manners in which my mother has navigated through life and how she has managed her identities and self-definition is awe-inspiring. I think that Black feminist thought serves to analyze and identify these complexities and how they affect our position in the world: my mother鈥檚 as a Mexican undocumented immigrant woman, and mine as the daughter of a Mexican undocumented immigrant woman.

Praxis of these ideas, of self-valuation, respect, self-reliance, independence, enables Mexican undocumented immigrant women to be able to survive, as I have stated, but more than their survival is their self-love and their hope to live a better life and be seen as an important and necessary part of society. I think that el esp铆ritu de la mujer indocumentada is very real and it exists in the margins of the immigrant community, where Mexican undocumented immigrant women have access to it, even if they may not realize it or if they believe it to be a mere legend. Self-definition is important and I think that my mother and other women like her embrace it in a powerful and beautiful way where they continue to thrive, regardless of their struggle.

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Resources

Collins, Patricia Hill. 2000. 鈥淢ammies, Matriarchs, and Other Controlling Images.鈥� Black Feminist Thought. New York: Routledge Classics.

Collins, Patricia Hill. 2000. 鈥淭he Power of Self-Definition.鈥� Black Feminist Thought. New York: Routledge Classics.

Collins, Patricia Hill. 2000. 鈥淯.S. Black Feminism in Transnational Context.鈥� Black Feminist Thought. New York: Routledge Classics.

Harris-Perry, Melissa. 2011. 鈥淪hame.鈥� Sister Citizen: Shame, Stereotypes, and Black Women in America. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. 听

Hooks, bell. 2000. 鈥淔eminism: A Movement to End Sexist Oppression.鈥� Feminist Theory: From Margin to Center. Cambridge, MA: South End Press.

Lorde, Audre. 1984. 鈥淯ses of the Erotic: The Erotic as Power.鈥� Sister Outsider. Berkeley, CA: Crossing Press.

Morgan, Joan. 1999. 鈥淭he F-Word.鈥� When Chickenheads Come Home to Roost: A Hip Hop Feminist Breaks It Down. New York: Simon & Schuster.

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Global Genders, Erik Rock

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Global Genders

Western society views gender as a binary, meaning that it is believed that there are only two possible options which are in opposition to one another. Because of this gender binary, the Westernized view of gender and operates under the assumption that there are only two sexes - male and female - and only two genders - man and woman (Shaw, Lee 121). It is believed that gender corresponds directly to anatomy and thus people are assigned a gender at birth based on the appearance of their genitalia. However, in a global context, the gender binary does not exist as it does in the West. Because 鈥渢he concept of a gender binary is relatively recent in human history鈥�, varying cultures throughout time have recognized that gender exists across a spectrum of expressions, roles, and identities (鈥淲orld Gender Customs"). The existence of these non-binary genders not only proves the fallacy of the binary but threatens the dominant cultural notion of what it means to be a man or a woman.

In the West, individuals who are assigned male at birth are expected to adopt masculine gender roles, behaviors, and expressions. Such is not the case for indigenous cultures of Madagascar and Samoa. Although male-bodied, the sekrata of Madagascar exhibit feminine behaviors from early childhood that are accepted as natural by society. Sekrata individuals 听adopt feminized appearances to the extent that they consider themselves 鈥渞eal鈥� women since their efforts come naturally to them (鈥淲orld Gender Customs鈥�). Similarly, the 蹿补鈥檃蹿补蹿颈苍别 in Samoa are male-bodied individuals who are raised as girls 听after exhibiting feminine behaviors and attributes in early childhood. With their feminine gender identity and expression, 蹿贵补鈥檃蹿补蹿颈苍别 are valuable assets to society. After learning the traditional duties of Samoan women, many assume domestic roles and focus on taking care of the family (Shaw, Lee 120). Both sekrata and 蹿补鈥檃蹿补蹿颈苍别 are acknowledged in their communities as being male-bodied but feminine or woman identified.

In other parts of the world gender diversity exists for female-bodied individuals and for those whose identity is neither solely masculine or solely feminine. On opposite ends of the globe, two different cultures recognize three or more genders. In Indonesia, the Bugi culture recognizes five genders; men, women, calabai, calalai, and bissu. Calabai are male bodied, feminine-identified individuals, calalai are female-bodied, male-identified individuals, and bissu are of any sex and considered a 鈥渢ranscendent gender, either encompassing all genders or none at all鈥� ("World Gender Customs"). In the North America, the Navajo (Dineh) culture recognizes four genders; feminine women, dilbaa, masculine men, and nadleehi. Although dilbaa are considered masculine and female-bodied and nadleehi are considered feminine and male-bodied, both are acknowledged as encompassing masculine and feminine spirits in one person (鈥淲orld Gender Customs鈥�).听 Due to the nature of their gender having a spiritual connotation, both the bissu of Indonesia and the nadleehi and dilbaa of North America are often revered in their culture and placed in respected, religious roles.

The non-binary genders of other cultures were also noted for their participation and importance to religious traditions. The Incan shamans of pre-colonial Peru, known as quariwarmi, were considered dual-gendered and androgynous and were a representation of a 鈥渢hird gender space that negotiated between the masculine and the feminine鈥� (鈥淲orld Gender Customs鈥�). In contemporary and pre-colonial Hawaii, mahu individuals inhabited multiple gender roles and were considered socially important 鈥渁s educators and promulgators of ancient traditions and rituals鈥� (鈥淲orld Gender Customs鈥�). Unfortunately, both the quariwarmi of the Incas and the traditional mahu of Hawaii experienced oppression and erasure at the hands of European colonialists. The mahu were nearly eliminated through the colonization of Hawaii, while the quariwarmi were completely wiped out after having been deemed paganistic sodomites by Spanish conquistadors (鈥淲orld Gender Customs鈥�).

The existence of these diverse genders around the globe directly threatens the gender binary because they prove that gender is more than two opposing identities attached irrefutably to one鈥檚 physical anatomy. The dominant notion of gender only being man or woman fails to acknowledge that gender is a social construct and that the binary has been manufactured.听 Because 鈥済ender is embedded in culture and the various forms of knowledge associated with any given community,鈥�, gender can and does change, evolve, and mean different things to different people at different times (Shaw, Lee 116).

The unquestioning acceptance of the gender binary has been aided by the denial, erasure, and ignorance of diverse genders throughout history in lieu of binary genders. For the most part, the West has invested in maintaining the binary in order to perpetuate patriarchy because a patriarchal culture relies on the binary of dominance and subordinationnce. As such, to uphold the notion of man and woman 听is the same thing as upholding a foundationally patriarchal society.

By shaping ideas about masculinity and femininity - which simultaneously translates into shaping ideas about what it means to have and gender and to be a gender - the dominant culture rewards those considered normative and excludes those who are outside of this norm.听 Threatening the gender binary creates tension because it puts into questions other binaries - white and non-white, poor and rich, able bodied and non-able bodied, homosexual and heterosexual - all of which are either considered normative and accepted by the dominant culture or considered non-normative and excluded by the dominant culture.

This is done for the purpose of creating a social norm that can be regulated through social policy (Shaw, Lee 316). As such, the binary is maintained as a means to control people; control who they are, what they want, how they reproduce; what they believe, how they interact, when they do something, why they do something; even what they produce, what they consume, and how they communicate (Shaw, Lee 117). Simply put, a world where genders beyond man and woman exist is not as easy to control and regulate.

Controlling and regulating identities offers an explanation as to why the ideology of only two genders is so pervasive and why it intersects with the legacy of colonialism. Colonizing did not just mean to usurp lands and exploit resources; it also meant to institute ideologies and eradicate indigenous cultural norms. Colonialism of the past (and globalization in the contemporary moment) impacts gender because it constrained people鈥檚 expressions and practices, normalized only a limited set of identities,听 and delegitimized traditional modes of being all for the purpose of enhancing the colonizer鈥檚 position of privilege (Shaw, Lee 319).

The fact that the majority of global gender identities are invisible is because they did not fit inside of the newly instituted definitions of normal. Because differences are hierarchical, 鈥減atterns of difference become systems of privilege and inequality鈥� (Shaw, Lee 54). The nadleehi, 蹿补鈥檃蹿补蹿颈苍别, sekrata, mahu, quariwarmi, and calabai鈥檚 of the world were noted as being different and therefore at the bottom of the hierarchy and beneath the dominant culture鈥檚 position of privilege. Anything outside of of the intelligible ideas of man (and dominant) and woman (and subordinate) could not be accepted because in order for dominance there must be something available to submit; without those neither is possible.

The recognition of many genders, including globally diverse genders, means to acknowledge the fallacy of the gender binary and all that it entails. The existence of mahu, dilbaa, 蹿补鈥檃蹿补蹿颈苍别 and the like mean that gender is not inevitable nor irrefutable, which means that neither is the gender binary. If more than two genders can exist, than social arrangements outside of dominance and subordinationnce can exist as well. Additionally, to recognize the variety of gender identities means to allow the full breadth of gender to be explored by everyone. It means to expand the notion of value, worthiness, and all of the lived experiences that make people unique and different. It makes difference something to be admired, not controlled or colonized. Opening up ideas of gender creates more possibilities for personal expression and behaviors outside of a constrained idea of normalcy. In the end, the proof of the very real lives and experiences of gender-diverse people throughout the world challenges the gender binary, and with it the social hierarchies of privilege and oppression.

听

Works Cited

Shaw, Susan M., and Janet Lee. Women's Voices, Feminist Visions: Classic and Contemporary

Readings. 6th ed. New York: McGraw-Hill, 2015. Print.

"World Gender Customs." A Map of Gender-Diverse Cultures, PBS, Two-Spirits. PBS, 20 May

2011. Web. 25 July听 2015. <

>

Gender and LGBT Equality in Pink Tide Nicaragua, Natalie Walter

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Gender and LGBT Equality in Pink Tide Nicaragua

1. Introduction

Nicaragua is a notable example of a Pink Tide country, as a part of a trend of leftward shifting politics in Latin America. This paper will examine the extent of their transformation specifically in regards to policy on gender and sexuality, asking if this movement in Nicaragua is solely a movement towards less neoliberal economic policy, or if the country has also shifted towards a more inclusive social policy in terms of gender and sexuality as well. After analyzing public opinion data, this paper ultimately finds that since Daniel Ortega resumed the office of the presidency in 2006, there has been both progress and setbacks for issues of gender and sexuality. Although instituting gender quotas at the party level has led to an increase in the number of women in the most recent elections, and legislation to decriminalize homosexuality has come with a more positive perception of homosexuality, perception of women as capable political leaders has actually decreased. Furthermore, the total ban on abortion has been crippling to women鈥檚 reproductive rights, and public opinion has shifted only minimally to ask for any further changes. Ultimately, the increases in LGBT rights and the representation of women in government has not led to substantial changes for these marginalized populations in Nicaragua, and the total ban on abortion has actually limited women鈥檚 rights under Nicaragua鈥檚 new leftist presidency.

The paper contains four sections after this introduction: the background, which explains contemporary Nicaragua in the context of the Pink Tide; methodology, which will explain the methods used to examine Nicaragua鈥檚 social policy and climate; findings, which will describe current policy, data on public opinion, and levels of representation in government; and the conclusion, which will analyze the progressiveness of Pink Tide Nicaragua.

2. Background

Recent trends in Latin America show a leftward political shift in many countries, a phenomenon which has come to be known as the Pink Tide. These leftist policies typically include general redistribution of wealth, or more specifically land redistribution; nationalization of resources or industry; and a general shift away from neoliberal policy as a rejection of the free-market reforms of the 1990鈥檚.[1]听 Painter describes the Pink Tide as a clean break with the Washington Consensus, noting that after a push for privatization and open markets failed to bridge the gap between the wealthy and poor in Latin America, three quarters of its inhabitants are now governed by left-leaning executives.[2]听

Nicaragua is a notable example of this political shift. The current Nicaraguan president, Daniel Ortega, belongs to the modern political party of the Frente Sandinista de Liberaci贸n Nacional (FSLN), and was a member of the Sandinista junta which took control of the country in the 1979 revolution. Ortega is currently serving his third term; his first was from 1984 to 1990, and he was elected once again in 2006 and in 2011.[3]听 The re-election of a former Sandinista guerrilla is a clear demonstration that Nicaragua is returning to leftist politics as seen during their revolutionary period, especially after several years of victories of conservative candidates such as Violeta Barrios de Chamorro. After winning reelection on a campaign focused on addressing hunger and illiteracy among Nicaragua鈥檚 poorest, Ortega has begun to align himself more with Venezuela鈥檚 leftist regime than with the United States.[4]听 The return to power of Nicaragua鈥檚 leftist revolutionary party marks them as a part of the larger Pink Tide trend. In light of this, it is important to ask if this transition back to the left has implications for equaliy not only among people of different economic classes, but also of different genders and sexual orientations.

3. Methodology

In order to examine the effects of the political trend of the Pink Tide on equality among women and the LGBT population in Nicaragua as a whole, policy, public opinion and political representation will be examined. First, actual policies in place regarding reproductive and LGBT rights will be briefly explained.

Next, public opinion data is pulled from the Latinobar贸metro project, a public opinion survey asked of respondents in Latin American countries to determine their opinions on social issues. Opinions on the guarantee of gender equality by the law, the justifiability of homosexuality, the justifiability of abortion, and the suitability of women as political leaders is examined. In testing the public opinion on these issues, it is possible to see what sort of social progress is being made in the leftist country of Nicaragua. To put this analysis in context, Nicaragua will be compared with El Salvador and Guatemala, two Central American countries with histories of civil war similar to Nicaragua鈥檚 in many ways and, due to their current leftist presidencies, arguably part of the Pink Tide as well.[5][6] All data cited in sections 4.3.1 鈥� 4.3.4 are drawn from the data of the Corporaci贸n Latinobar贸metro鈥檚, a measure of public opinion on social issues in Latin America. In this way, Nicaragua鈥檚 social climate can be examined. The measures used with each data set are described along with the findings.

Finally, political representation of the LGBT community and of women in Nicaragua will be examined. This is done by examining the percentage of representation, as well as any policy in place to ensure representation. In analyzing the political representation of LGBT people and of women, it is possible to see if the country is making this step in terms of social progress for gender and sexuality.

4. Findings

This section explains the findings of research conducted into Nicaragua鈥檚 social policies, political representation, and public opinion.

4.1 Social Policy

Some of the most important policies for social inclusiveness across gender and sexual orientation include reproductive rights, discrimination policy, and LGBT rights in terms of the legality of sexual orientations other than homosexual, and marriage rights for LGBT persons. These policies are examined below.

4.1.1 Reproductive Rights

The most striking example of policy having to do with gender inequality is Nicaragua鈥檚 complete ban on abortion,[7] which was instituted by current leftist president Daniel Ortega. Huemann argues that the Sandinistas have actually long been antagonistic towards feminism, especially regarding reproductive rights, regardless of its status of a regime which has been presented as a symbol of equality.[8]听

This was solidified in 2006 when the Ortega administration implemented a total ban on abortion, such as had not been seen in the country since 1893.[9]听 Pre-2009, there had been exceptions for cases of rape, but under the Ortega administration even these concessions were stripped away, likely in an attempt to gain favor with the church and conservatives in the three-candidate race of 2006.[10]听 Additionally, as medical professionals are also held liable for assisting with anything resembling an abortion, they will often refuse to treat women if it seems like there is a chance that the woman has had an abortion, so as to not be complicit. [11] 听This further places women鈥檚 lives in danger, leading to overall to higher maternal mortality rates.[12]听听

It is notable that emergency contraceptives are legal and available over-the-counter in Nicaragua,[13] but there is little effort to institute the necessary sex education which would make these contraceptives truly effective.[14]听 In drawing attention to these issues, Heumann questions the power of the Revolution to bring about gender equality.[15]听 Based on the evidence presented here, the Sandinistas as a part of the Pink Tide in Nicaragua lack the ability to bring about genuine political change post-revolution.

4.1.2 LGBT Rights

Nicaragua鈥檚 policy on LGBT rights have been more progressive in recent years than reproductive rights policies have been. Since 2008, Nicaragua has prohibited employment discrimination based on sexual orientation 鈥� this corresponded with a shift to make same-sex relations legal, though same-sex marriage is still not recognized.[16]听 Nicaragua also considers hate crimes based on sexual orientation an aggravating circumstance.[17]听 These are positive shifts moving towards a policy that could one day guarantee equality for the LGBT community, and show more progress than many of the policies towards gender equality have shown. However, they are still lacking.

4.2 Political Representation

Progressiveness of social policy can also be demonstrated in the political representation of LGBT persons and women. Such representation and any policies to ensure such representation are described in the following section.

4.2.1 LGBT Representation

In my investigation, I found no information on LGBT people in positions of power in Nicaragua.[18]听 This in itself is telling. It seems that political representation of the LGBT community in Nicaragua is a shift which has yet to occur; the lack of documentation suggests that there are no publically open LGBT representatives in positions of power in Nicaragua.

4.2.2听Women鈥檚 Representation

It is much easier to find examples of women in positions of power. First, Nicaragua has had a woman president.听 There is some added complexity here in that this female president was President Violeta Chamorro, who was one of Nicaragua鈥檚 conservative heads of state in between Ortega鈥檚 second and third terms and pre-Pink Tide. Chamorro was the widow of a prominent man, a fact which arguable helped her election, but she was not the wife of a president and did run her own campaign, filled with imagery of motherhood, widowhood, and the Virgin Mary.[19]听

As for women in contemporary Pink Tide Nicaragua, it is first notable that 40% of Nicaragua鈥檚 National Assembly is currently composed of women (37 of the 92 seats).[20]听 This is most certainly due to the quota in place at the party level. Fifty percent of the candidates on the FSNL鈥檚 list must be women.[21]听 Because the list is open and voters can choose whichever candidates they like, rather than voting for all of the candidates of a party as a whole, the candidates must be listed 鈥渮ipper-style,鈥� so that every other name that the voter sees is a woman.[22]听 Because this has been a party-based initiative,[23] there are no legal sanctions for non-compliance.[24]听 Still, Ortega鈥檚 party, the FSLN, has its own party quotas in place,[25] as does the more conservative Liberal and Constitutionalist Party (with only 2 seats in the assembly), while the more conservative Independent Liberal Party has no party-level quota requirements.[26]听 This perhaps suggests a true effort on the part of Ortega and the FSLN to work towards gender equality in government. After the quota鈥檚 instatement, representation of women in the Assembly rose from 18 to 40%.[27]听 This represents a significant change, and actually places Nicaragua as the country with the 9th highest representation of women in parliament worldwide, and third in Latin America, behind only Bolivia and Cuba.[28]

A policy change which occurred after the start of Ortega鈥檚 presidency was the appointment of women to cabinet positions, including those of the Ministry of Health, the Ministry of Natural Resources, the Ministry of Culture, and the Ministry of the Interior, which controls the country鈥檚 police force.[29]听 This means that women are heads of ministries even with roles not considered traditionally feminine, a definite show of progress for equality of women in Nicaragua鈥檚 government. However, Nicaraguan lawyer Azahalea Sol铆s argues that women in cabinet appointments in reality hold very little power, as they face sexism in their positions which limits how much they can actually do. She further notes that having more women in cabinet positions has not actually resulted in increased social status for women in Nicaragua for this reason.[30]

4.3 Public Opinion Data

An important part of the political climate of a country is the social climate. As such, public opinion data is examined to see how Nicaraguans feel about various social issues tied to progress for gender and sexuality. Data is measured on the perception of guarantees of gender equality, the justifiability of homosexuality, the justifiability of abortion, and the capability of women compared to men as political leaders.

4.3.1 Guarantee of Gender Equality by Law

In a survey of Nicaraguans, Salvadorans, and Guatemalans, participants were asked if they believed that gender equality was guaranteed by the law, selecting their answers from the options 鈥渇ully,鈥� 鈥渇airly generally,鈥� 鈥渘ot generally,鈥� and 鈥渘ot at all.鈥� In considering 鈥渇ully鈥� and 鈥渇airly generally鈥� to constitute a belief that gender equality is at least somewhat guaranteed, and the answers 鈥渘ot generally鈥� or 鈥渘ot at all鈥� to correspond to a belief that gender equality is not guaranteed, the findings are as shown in Figure 1.

Figure 1.[31]

Country	Nicaragua	El Salvador	Guatemala
Gender equality is at least somewhat guaranteed by the law.	64.9%	59.2%	23.6%
Gender Equality is not guaranteed by the law.	28.3%	40%	56.6%

Because a higher percentage of Nicaraguans believe that they are guaranteed equality by the law than do their Salvadoran or Guatemalan counterparts, it could be argued that legislation has had an effect on the country鈥檚 gender equality. However, it is still essential to note that by interpreting these results, it becomes clear 28.3% of Nicaraguans essentially don鈥檛 think that anti-discrimination policy is effective; they still do not believe that equality is guaranteed by the law even when it is explicitly written as law. There is a demonstrated gap between legislation and day-to-day reality.

4.3.2 Justifiability of Homosexuality

Respondents were asked on a scale of 1-10 how justifiable homosexuality was, with a 1 corresponding to 鈥渘ever justifiable鈥� and a 10 corresponding to 鈥渁lways justifiable.鈥� By taking the mean response of these answers, it is possible to see on average how justifiable the public of each country finds homosexuality to be. The results are shown in Figure 2.

Figure 2.[32]

Country	Nicaragua	El Salvador	Guatemala
2002	1.71	1.81	1.7
2004	3.81	2.18	3.06
2008	4.33	4.63	4.08
2009	3.88	3.31	3.86

Respondents in each country, then, have found homosexuality increasingly justifiable, save for a curious dip in 2008.[33] It is important to note that this is overall a very large shift in all of the countries examined since 2002. Although the majority of Nicaraguans still don鈥檛 believe that homosexuality is justifiable, and the year that homosexuality was declared legal (2008) these numbers dipped a bit, the next year the acceptance of homosexuality again began to increase.

4.3.3 Justifiability of Abortion

Respondents were asked how justifiable abortion was on a ten point scale, with a 1 signifying that it was never justified, and a 10 signifying that it was always justified. The results were as demonstrated in Figure 3. Figure 4 shows the difference in opinion between men and women, and figure 5 shows the change in public opinion on abortion over time in Nicaragua.

Figure 3.[34]

Country	Nicaragua	El Salvador	Guatemala
Abortion is always justified.	4.9%	.08%	.02%
Abortion is never justified.	61.7%	68.9%	69.7%
Mean Response	2.35	1.62	1.3

听

Figure 4.[35]

Country	Nicaragua	El Salvador	Guatemala
Mean response, women	2.45	1.61	1.29
Mean response, men	2.24	1.63	1.32

听

Figure 5.[36]

Year	2002	2004	2007
Mean Response	1.4	2.8	2.3

These responses shown in Figure 3 demonstrate that the acceptance of abortion is even lower than the acceptance of homosexuality. Nicaraguans demonstrate an overall higher acceptance of abortion than do their counterparts in El Salvador or Guatemala, but it is still perceived very negatively in the country as a whole. It is interesting to note as shown in Figure 4 that Nicaraguan is the only country of the three where women are less opposed to abortion than men. This demonstrates that although opinions are more united between men and women in El Salvador and Guatemala than in Nicaragua, men generally believe that abortion is more acceptable than women do, perhaps confirming the stereotype that women are more religious than men. It is interesting, then, that Nicaraguan women seem to not fit this stereotype in the same way. It could be that there is a history of women鈥檚 lives being endangered due to the ban on abortions in Nicaragua, but this can be said of El Salvador, as well.^[37] In the end, abortion is still viewed as unjustifiable by most Nicaraguans, regardless, and it remains illegal in all forms. As Figure 5 demonstrates, public acceptance for abortion had been increasing, but dropped again in 2007, perhaps showing an influence in policy on public opinion after the ban on abortion was instatedabortion was banned.

4.3.4 Public Perception of Women as Political Leaders

Respondents were asked if they believe that men make better political leaders, selecting their answers from the options 鈥渇ully,鈥� 鈥渇airly generally,鈥� 鈥渘ot generally,鈥� and 鈥渘ot at all 鈥淔ully鈥� and 鈥渇airly generally鈥� are considered to correspond to a belief that men make better political leaders, and the .answers 鈥渘ot generally鈥� or 鈥渘ot at all鈥� correspond to a belief that men do not make better political leaders. Figure 6 shows the change in these responses over time, while Figure 7 shows the breakdown of the most recent responses according to the respondents鈥� gender.[38] Figure 8 shows the change in time broken down by gender in just Nicaragua.

Figure 6.[39]

Country	Nicaragua		El Salvador		Guatemala
Year	2004	2009	2004	2009	2004	2009
Men make better political leaders.	28%	27%	38%	39%	35%	32%
Men do not make better political leaders.	72%	73%	62%	61%	65%	68%

听

Figure 7.[40]

Country	Nicaragua		El Salvador		Guatemala
Year	Women	Men	Women	Men	Women	Men
Men make better political leaders.	29.3%	35.8%	39.7%	40.2%	36.1%	37.7%
Men do not make better political leaders.	70.7%	64.2%	60.3%	59.8%	63.9%	62.3%

听

Figure 8.[41]

Country	Women		Men
Year	2004	2009	2004	2009
Men make better political leaders.	31.1%	29.3%	40.1%	35.8%
Men do not make better political leaders.	68.9%	70.7%	59.9%	64.2%

The public鈥檚 perception of women as political leaders is a particularly important attitude in light of the trend of gender quotas in Latin America. This small decrease seems to counterintuitively match with the rising popularity of gender quotas in Latin America, especially considering that Nicaragua currently has a parliament made up of 40% women, a number higher than what is required by the parties鈥� quotas in place.听 It could be that this increase in gender quotas has actually led to the belief that women can only be elected with the help of a quota, and therefore are less capable leaders than men.

In all three countries surveyed, men are more likely to agree that men make better political leaders, but the strongest gap between the responses of the two genders is in Nicaragua, which has the highest representation of women in parliament between the three countries.

This result is puzzling; as gender quotas gained more traction and more women were elected to parliament, less people believe that women are equally capable leaders as men. It is also important to note, however, that when the change in women鈥檚 responses is examined alone, the increase in perception of men as better leaders was much less than the increase seen in men鈥檚 responses.

5. Conclusion

In considering the progressiveness of Nicaragua in terms and gender and LGBT equality, overall, the public opinion seems to match the policies and representation in place. Although it would seem that Nicaraguan women are not actually guaranteed equality under the law since their health is put at risk by some of the most restrictive abortion laws in the world, most Nicaraguan women also believe that abortion is never justifiable, meaning that they are not likely to see it as a fundamental right of theirs. These opinions have not shifted much over the years.

However, public opinion on the justifiability of homosexuality has begun to shift in recent years to be viewed as more acceptable, if only slightly. This corresponds in general with the legalization of homosexuality in 2008, while demonstrating concordance with a still low acceptance of homosexuality and the fact that legally, same-sex couples do not have the same rights as heterosexual couples do.

When all the evidence is considered, it is difficult to argue that Nicaragua鈥檚 Pink Tide status has actually translated to more liberal social policy on all accounts. Under Ortega, there has been a gender quota in the Sandinista party, appointment of women to high cabinet positions, and more progressive LGBT policy in concordance with public opinion. However, there is still no documentation of LGBT individuals in government positions, and gender quotas and the high number of women in government have not led to a perception of women as better political leaders. And perhaps most importantly, it is inescapable that under Ortega the full ban on abortion has been reinstated, a huge step back for reproductive rights. Because survey results indicate that tolerance of abortion is lower than tolerance of homosexuality, it is fitting that while homosexuality has been decriminalized, abortion has not. Although more Nicaraguans in recent years have been stating a belief in guaranteed equality under the law, it will be hard to see this as a reality until reproductive rights are given at least some recognition, as women鈥檚 lives are put in danger by a situation which prevents them from seeking medical care. Perhaps a more progressive policy on abortion could lead to a corresponding change in public opinion, as seemed to occur when the ban was instated. It is also possible that gender quotas will take a few years to truly affect policy outcomes, although it is certainly a step in the right direction.

In the end, as is apparent from Nicaragua鈥檚 past, it is possible to have very conservative policy under a female president and a leftist president alike. Simply having women in government or leftists in government has led to some changes for gender equality, but in many ways has not been enough to create real, lasting change in either public opinion or national policy.

White Wilderness, Jesse Nestler

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